1. ‘Ordinarily resident’ in Scotland is not defined and is considered on a case-by-case basis according to Scottish law, meaning that the scope of the extension and how
the changes would impact on the rest of the UK are unclear.
2. Will this reform bill allow other ‘genders’ to be included in the certificates in the future by devolved legislation? Here we note that para 36 of the Explanatory Notes states: “Section 8C(3) defines “the acquired” gender for the purposes of the 2004 Act. The acquired gender of a person who applies for a GRC is the gender they are living in when they make the application.” This does not say that the gender is either male or female as is currently the case according to GRA2004 s 9(1). What would be the
implications for this on Equality Act 2010? Would this pave the way for the Scottish Government to propose a 'new' Equality Act that incorporates other and/or non-binary genders?
3. Extension of the effect of the offence set out in s22 GRA2004 - ‘Protected Information now includes information about the person’s ‘gender before it became the acquired gender’ (as set out in the Schedule to the Bill). This will broaden the scope of s22 criminal offence of disclosing protected information in an official capacity. The Bill proposes to change the definition of ‘protected information’ in s22(2) beyond
information regarding applicants and recipients of a GRC. Under 22(2)(b) under Scottish law the definition would cover "information relating to a person… whose gender has become the acquired gender, and which concerns the person’s gender before it became the acquired gender". The scope and impact of the proposed amendment to s22 requires clarification: on the face of it, this could apply to any transgender person including those who have not obtained or applied for a GRC. Could it also extend to disclosures made in other territories or outside of Scotland but within the UK?Note our separate concerns in relation to the operation of s22 in respect of auto-recognition of overseas GRCs. The amended s22 also applies to persons with an GRC issued elsewhere in the UK under Scottish law : see new S22, (2A). Is this within the legislative competence of
Scottish Government?
In our opinion, contrary to para 121, the onerous and wide-reaching provisions of the amended s22 would have a chilling effect on freedom of speech, by criminalising reference to the truth of a transgender person’s biological sex registered at birth, in the name of their privacy. This is disproportionate and fails to consider the rights and
fundamental freedoms of others, in particular biological women in differentiating themselves from transgender people whose sex registered at birth is male on the basis of their biological differences. This has profound implications for data collection and the operation of separate-sex and single-sex services: whilst the Scottish Government may
claim that the proposed reforms will have no impact on the operation of the separate-sex and single-sex exceptions in Equality Act 2010, the practical impact of s22 may render these exceptions inoperable.
4. The Statements on Legislative Competence declare that the Scottish Government’s opinion is that the provisions of the Bill are within their legislative competence. The Scottish Government position is that the reforms they are proposing only relate to the administrative processes for obtaining a GRC and therefore are within their legislative
competence, because they change neither the effect of a GRC nor the impact on Equality Act 2010. s 17(1) of the Bill allows the Scottish Ministers to make regulations to make any incidental, supplementary, consequential, transitional, transitory or saving provision that they consider appropriate for the purpose of, in connection with or for
giving full effect to the Bill. (Could this be used to justify non-binary, agender or other gender recognition when the Scottish Government has further considered its position on this change?) Yet the provisions of the Bill have a knock-on effect elsewhere in the UK and are contrary to GRA2004. The proposals change the fundamental basis on
which a GRC can be obtained and puts Scotland out of step with the rest of the UK. We would argue that it is not within the legislative competence for the Scottish Government to impose self declaration of gender on the other parts of the UK. The gatekeeping nature of GRA2004 is fundamentally important to the operation of the GRC scheme as conceived in response to jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights, because the grant of a GRC impacts on others and is not simply about the personal status of any person with gender dysphoria or who otherwise identifies as ‘transgender’.
5. The Policy Memorandum, in respect of non-binary recognition at paras 113 and 114, states: “Extending policy to include legal recognition of non-binary people would have significant implications associated with the complex assessment of rights and responsibilities. It would also incur additional registration costs for National Records of Scotland.” We find it curious that extending the definition of 'women' to include
those of the male sex (and those who are currently ineligible to be included in that category) is not considered to have "significant implications associated with the complex assessment of rights and responsibilities" in respect of women (by which we mean, biological women defined on the basis of their bodily sex). Here we also note that the
impact on such women who are in possession of other protected characteristics
including disability and religion may be particularly marked.
6. Paras 134 - 142 concern themselves with Human Rights. Clearly here the Convention applies. However, it is curious that the Scottish Government chose not to consider the impact of their proposals on Art 9 (freedom of thought, conscience and religion), Art 10 (freedom of expression), Art 11 (freedom of association), Art 17 (prohibition of abuse of rights) and Art 14 (discrimination) with regard to ‘sex’ and ‘birth’. In respect of Articles 9 and 10 we note that s 22 is very limiting and does not strike the right balance between the privacy of anyone who simply declares a transgender identity in Scotland and the rest of the public. Here we also note Employment Appeal Tribunal judgement in
Forstater v CGD Europe & Others UKEAT/0105/20/JOJ. We also note the implications of R (Miller) v The College of Policing & The Chief Constable of Humberside [2020].
We are also concerned that due consideration has not been given the impact on the rights of women on the basis of their biological sex as registered at birth e.g. to freedom of association on the basis of their sex and their Art 3 rights (freedom from torture and degrading treatment). We note that Art 14 specifically mentions sex and birth, so
it would be illogical, even if the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has stretched the meaning of ‘sex’ to include ‘gender identity’ and ‘sexual orientation’, that a process
could be lawful if it is potentially discriminatory against biological women and denies them the protections they have been afforded by international law e.g. CEDAW.
Our concerns in this regard persist notwithstanding the statement from Scottish Government that the proposed reforms will have no impact on the operation of Equality Act 2010 (a statement which we consider to be ill-conceived and unevidenced).
7. The two ECtHR cases referenced in the Policy Memo that lead to the GRA2004
must be considered on their facts in relation to the proposed reforms. We consider that this has not been done. These cases both related to the rights of post operative transsexuals and did not consider the impact on biological women as a category. The
assumption at that point was that the impact of State (not third party) recognition of
acquired gender, via the introduction of the concept 'legal gender', would be de minimus. These assumptions no longer apply to a group which has the potential to be much larger and beyond the control or determination of the government. This presents the strong argument for reconsideration of the balance of rights, taking into account the rights
of biological women and in recognition of the fact that the State has a duty to uphold the Convention rights of all individuals, not just those whose gender identity does not match their sex registered at birth.